Constitution Of The United States - Federalists vs Anti-Federalists

!: Constitution Of The United States - Federalists vs Anti-Federalists

Argued by many as the oldest living written national constitution, the US constitution was adopted on September 17, 1787 by the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The Constitution is the supreme law of the United States of America and consists of a preamble, seven original articles, twenty-seven amendments and a paragraph certifying its enactment by the constitutional convention.

Formation of United States of America and the adoption of a uniform US Constitution have a history that is worth a mention. As per Article Seven, the Constitution would come into force only when it is ratified by at least nine special state conventions. The states that did not approve the constitution would be considered as separate countries and will not be a part of the Union. Once the constitution was signed by the delegates of Constitutional convention in 1787, it had to be ratified by the states. However, many states had several apprehensions with regard to the US Constitution.

This was the period when federalists and anti-federalists came into existence. While federalists were the people who were supportive towards the adoption of the US constitution, anti-federalists were those who protested against the ratification of the constitution. Prominent among these included Patrick Henry, George Mason and Edmund Rudolph. Leaders among federalists included James Madison and Alexander Hamilton.

Both the federalists and anti-federalists had contrasting view points regarding the formation and nature of federal government. While the federalists favored the creation of one single nation with 13 different states, anti-federalists preferred the creation of a federal government as a confederation of 13 individual republic states. According to them, every state should have an independent sovereign government. There were several arguments placed against the adoption of the constitution but were effectively outplayed by federalists. As a result, all the 13 states ratified the constitution, giving the federalists a great victory.

Constitution Of The United States - Federalists vs Anti-Federalists

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The Complete Anti-Federalist

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The Complete Anti-Federalist, first published in 1981, contains an unprecedented collection of all the significant pamphlets, newspaper articles and letters, essays, and speeches that were written in opposition to the Constitution during the ratification debate. Storing’s work includes introductions to each entry, along with his own consideration of the Anti-Federalist thought.

This new three-volume set includes all the contents of the original seven-volume publication in a convenient, manageable format.

“A work of magnificent scholarship. Publication of these volumes is a civic event of enduring importance.”—Leonard W. Levy, New York Times Book Review

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THE FEDERALIST. A Commentary On the Constitution of the United States. A Collection of Essays, by Alexander Hamilton, Jay and Madison. Also the Continentalist and Other Papers, by Hamilton.

!: expert reviews THE FEDERALIST. A Commentary On the Constitution of the United States. A Collection of Essays, by Alexander Hamilton, Jay and Madison. Also the Continentalist and Other Papers, by Hamilton. buy online

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The US Executive Branch - Constitutional Mandate, History, Obama, and Beyond

!: The US Executive Branch - Constitutional Mandate, History, Obama, and Beyond

To the unhappy chagrin of the saavy Ivy League pundits who, over the last 60 years, have fashioned through their verbose sophistic commentary and political influence the hardly constitutional tradition of the Office of the U.S President (comprising the ruling influence and authority of "appointed" federal bureaucrats as opposed to one elected chief executive) Article 2, Section 1, of the Constitution of the United States still reads, as it did when first ratified by the 13 Original states, "The executive Power shall be vested in (only) a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice-President chosen for the same Term, be elected..."

Sadly, the last U.S. President who, for a time, actually took this literal text of the U.S. Constitution to heart was Harry S. Truman, the 33rd President following the birth of the American republic in 1789. "The buck stops at my desk," insisted give-em hell Harry, when he accepted the burden of the office after the sudden death of FDR. Yet, the ultimately grave mistake that Truman made during his time in the White House was willing and quite un-constitutional yielding, in 1948, of almost all of his, and only his, elected executive authority, under the Constitution, to congressional fiat in the wake of the 1947 National Security Act, wherein a vicious, almost fascist, covert intelligence organization, the Central intelligence Agency was organized and placed under the direct operational control of the U.S. Military (the Pentagon) to literally check the authority of the U.S. President. In essence, the National Security Act gave the CIA the power to render an unequivocal 'no' to any order issued by a standing U.S. President that the CIA deemed as inappropriate. And the subsequent creation of the National Security Agency, in 1952, expanded, even more so, the national and international jurisdictions of the intelligence community to unilaterally implement its own standards of law above the constitutional authority of the President and, especially, the collective will of the American electorate. Case in point, the blatant refusal of the CIA to back down and cancel its operations when President Trumen, in 1953, refused to go along with planned Operation Ajax, the covert U.S./British overthrow, or coup, of the democratically elected government of Iran, and installment of the Shah as its tyrannical pro-American ruler. Instead of cancelling its preparations for the coup in 1952, the duplicitous agency kept everything intact for the election of Dwight D. Eisenhower as President, whom the CIA knew it could rely on to put a de facto stamp of approval on the unconstitutional operation. The same basic thing occurred with the Bay of Pigs fiasco, Watergate, Iran-Contra, and, most probably, the horrendous tragedies of 9/11. If any of this is doubted by of my readers, I encourage them to read the entire texts of the 1947 National Security Act and the 1952 National Security Agency Act, and their legislative histories, in addition to the histories of the aforementioned debacles.

Those convoluted post-Second World War congressional acts probably, at that time in history, went as unread, and blindly passed, by the great majority of the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives as were the infamous Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, the Federal Reserve Act of 1913, the National Recovery Act of 1933, and the Patriot Act of 2001. These congressional acts were, as Thomas Jefferson said specifically about the Alien and Sedition Acts, as constitutional as a golden calf in the United States Senate. So, after the un-officially official demotion of the U.S. President through the National Security Act of 1947, with its quasi-legal creation of the "Office of the President," (comprising a National Security Advisor, a White house Chief of Staff, and seven-or-more appointed "officers" in addition to the traditional cabinet secretaries), executive decisions, in the enforcement of federal laws, were no longer rendered expressly by the elected President, but, rather, by the executive officers appointed to decide policy for the President. Though the President would publicly announce such decisions, and lead the nation to believe that he had made the decisions in an effort to faithfully enforce the laws passed by Congress, the decisions were 'actually' made by a select circle of specially appointed handlers, with the President having already agreed to abide by their will. This process is much different from that of the executive decision process prior to 1947, where the President, alone, made executive decisions. Even though there were Presidents who illegitimately, and unconstitutionally, used their power for corrupt purposes, the authority to wield executive power officially resided in the "one" elected chief executive and a group of cabinet advisors offering their opinions about policy to the President. What Colonel Edward House was, secretly and unofficially, to President Woodrow Wilson, Karl Rove and Condilezza Rice were, by extra-constitutional interpretation endorsed by U.S. Supreme Court ruling, to George W. Bush. David Axlerod, Rahm Emanuel, and, who knows how many more appointed pundits, constitute the same type of decision mantra for Barack Obama. The American public are led to believe otherwise, but it's basically the same for every Presidential administration.

Popular movies would have you believe that Presidents, such as John Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crissis, made final decisions by themselves in regard to the deployment of military force against other nation-states, such as Cuba. But the National Security Act of 1947 set the historical precedent for a group of "smart" advisors to determine the proper course to follow, and for the President to voice that course as his decision. Unfortunately, this is hardly true. Though the appointed have more power than the elected, there are certain issues which should never be determined only by the Executive branch. As I have opined before in other essays, policy affecting the overall security of the people of the United States, such as a decision to wage nuclear war, should never be decided only by the President," but by a vote-in-council between the three branches of government (legislative, executive, and judicial) comprising the President, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Senate Majority Leader, and the Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. Instead of appointed pundits determining the appropriate public policy to follow, when crucial decisions must be made, a deciding vote of three of these four constitutionally designated leaders would properly determine the proper course of federal public policy. Similarly, the President, or the "Office of the U.S. President" should not be allowed by Congress to create de jure wars through police actions. Nonetheless, since Congress was basically responsible for the creation of the "Office of the President," through the passage of the National Security Act of 1947, the swaying legislative clout of a few very powerful senators and representatives has, since that time, been the force behind the terrible things that have happened to slowly shred our beloved Constitution.

Who would want to readily admit to the American nation that such a drastic deviation from the text of the U.S. Constitution has actually been an accepted policy of the United States Government since shortly after the Second World War? Especially after a newly elected President has placed his hand on a Bible and sworn to preserve, protect, and defend the same Constitution of the United States that that same elected leader is committed to subversively undermining. Who would want to confess to the people that it's all really a farce?

Take, for instance, Barack Obama, who, since being elected, has followed suit in the further disparagement of the U.S. Constitution by systematically seeking to extend expanded federal power over matters reserved specifically to the states by virtue of the 10th Amendment to the Constitution, such as education and health care; and has sorely disgraced the American republic by bowing to a foreign head of state (the King of Saudia Arabia). Moreover, Obama has sought to use the Federal Reserve Act and its unconstitutional creation, the FED, in order to bail-out the private banking cartel, created by the Federal Reserve Act, with billions of tax dollars. He has done his best to follow the example of previous inept Presidents by endorsing the spending of billions of tax dollars every month that the republic does not have, in order to perpetuate U.S. influence over foreign matters which are really none of the nation's concern, such as the proliferation of wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, which, in all probability, were created as a result of the federal orchestration of the atrocities that occurred on 9/11. To top things off, Mr. Obama has personally spent nearly 2 million dollars in legal fees, of contributed campaign money, to keep out of the American public's purview his long-form birth certificate and other records which might show him not to be a natural born citizen of the United States, and, therefore, an interloper and false president. Obama would like to see the United States republic become like the Federal Republic of Germany, with total control emanating from a central government. He would like to see the 10th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution abrogated by a new constitutional convention, which would place all of the states under the direct control of the federal government, thereby making the institutions originally placed by the Framers under the dominion of the states, such as public education, under federal control. If Obama is a constitutional scholar, as he claims to be, his scholarship only extends to the history, and Machiavellian techniques, of perverting the sacred document for purposes of usurpation of executive and legislative power. I doubt whether Obama has a fraction of the knowledge possessed by Woodrow Wilson, who, regretfully, was intimidated into signing the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 into law. After signing it, he stated that he might have done so to the detriment of the nation.

Being Democrat, Republican, or Independent, conservative or liberal, has currently nothing at all to do with being a dedicated American wanting federal and state government based upon the preservation of the sacred principles contained in the U.S. Constitution. Abraham Lincoln, the, supposedly, compassionate President/dictator during the American Civil War, once quipped that, if a small majority of a diverse electorate of people can be convinced that a principle of government is right, even if it is dead wrong and corrupt, the corrupt principle can be lorded over the whole population with impunity. This was how the 14th Amendment to the U.S. constitution, and its equal clause, were ratified, which, in essence, began the evisceration of the 10th Amendment. It seems today that most supposedly educated people in the American republic go about their daily activities thinking that, merely because they have the apparent freedom to buy gas at over-3 dollars per gallon, to get in their cars and drive across the country as far as their money will permit, and to purchase the basic necessities of life (food, shelter, and clothing) at prices 500-or-more percent above what they were in 1950, they are getting the benefit of a government and a political economy run by the electorate. Back in 1912, a U.S. senator by the name of Nelson A. Aldrich, who was responsible for authoring the text of the Federal Reserve Act of 1913, while secreted away with a few other conspirators on an island off the Georgia coast during 1910, made a statement just after the FRA's passage that was recorded by only a few people who were listening close enough to hear it. He said smugly, "It's a great victory for the bankers who will benefit gainfully from the tax money used over time to grease the wheels of finance slowed by mistakes in capital judgment. What is even greater is that taxpayers will be made to look forward to yielding their money for our purposes."

A wise person once said that the power to tax is the power to destroy. This bit of common sense makes even more sense when you compare the trillions of dollars that have been collected through the federal income tax since 1913 with the current national debt and the inflation that has been wrought through the Federal Reserve System since the elimination of the gold standard in the 1950s, and silver coinage in the 1970s. Federal income taxation has done nothing more, since 1913, than destroy the balance of finance in this country by making a very few wealthy people even more wealthy, and millions of poor and struggling citizens even poorer and more struggling. As I have said before, inflation only occurs when a unit of exchange is devalued, and presently, the American dollar is worth less than 30 cents, or a fraction of the worth of a dollar in 1945. This inflationary value is, in and of itself, politically contrived, but, for some innane reason, most Americans under the age of 40 think that what they are buying is worth what they are paying. And these supposedly educated people know nothing about the true history of the fall of the American dollar. Just after the turn of the 20th Century, a few pragmatic Machiavellian politicians and bankers, like J.P. Morgan, envisioned a federal system where the states would be controlled through money provided by the federal government through an unapportioned federal income tax. The taxpayers would be conditioned to finance a military-industrial complex geared to imperial international dominion of other nation-states and would look forward to bailing out the federally contrived capitalists who would always gain lucratively from federal investments.

Allowing Mr. Obama to continue the agenda formerly advanced by George W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and Ronald Reagan, while in the guise of Democratic Party politics, will be furthering the destruction of the American republic and its glorious Constitution. Perhaps it's time to listen much more closely to the wisdom espoused by congressional leaders such as U.S. Rep. (TX) Ron Paul, who has a standing resolution in the House of Representatives to abolish the Federal Reserve System and to reinstate the gold standard by restoring to the U.S. Congress its Article 1, Section 8 power to coin money and to determine its value. I would much rather hear an active U.S. citizen asserting the textual constitutional requirement that a President is required to be a natural born citizen of the U.S, than one spouting that a woman has a constitutional right to have, or not have, an abortion. For there are millions of literate Americans who have never read the U.S. Constitution and don't have any idea what their constitutional rights comprise. It is this prevailing ignorance of constitutional fact and law that is allowing Obama, and the many like him, to do their dirty work on the fabric of American government. It is good to remember that fascism does not have to be exerted from the extremism of conservative, or right-wing, political forces in order for its effect, the abrogation of human freedom, to be experienced. A denial of freedom can as easily be felt through extreme liberalism, in applying extreme federal constraint where it should not be applied. I, like Henry David Thoreau, believe that under the type of system espoused by the Framers, and defended by Madison, Hamilton, and Jay in the "Federalist Papers," the federal government is best when it governs least, or as the U.S. Constitution directs it to govern.

In summation, I like to think about the response of the great Benjamin Franklin to a lady who curiously greeted him after he emerged from the Constitutional Convention that had produced the U.S. Constitution. "What have you made in there," she asked. To her question, Franklin replied, "A republic, if you can keep it."

The US Executive Branch - Constitutional Mandate, History, Obama, and Beyond

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10th Annual Barbara K. Olson Memorial Lecture featuring Judge Dennis G. Jacobs 11-19-10

!: 10th Annual Barbara K. Olson Memorial Lecture featuring Judge Dennis G. Jacobs 11-19-10

On September 11, 2001, at the age of 45 and at the height of her professional and personal life, Barbara K. Olson was murdered in the terrorist attacks against the United States as a passenger on the hijacked American Airlines flight that was flown into the Pentagon. The Federalist Society established this annual lecture in Barbara's memory because of her enormous contributions as an active member, supporter, and volunteer leader. Solicitor General Theodore B. Olson delivered the first lecture in November 2001. The lecture series continued in following years with other notable individuals. In 2010, Judge Dennis G. Jacobs of the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit delivered the lecture. 10th Annual Barbara K. Olson Memorial Lecture When: Friday, November 19, 2010 Where: Mayflower Hotel - Washington, DC For information about Barbara Olson and this lecture series, click here: www.fed-soc.org For a list of past lecturers, click here: www.fed-soc.org

10th Annual Barbara K. Olson Memorial Lecture featuring Judge Dennis G. Jacobs 11-19-10

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Replica of the Maryland Federalist in the State House, Annapolis, Maryland, USA Premium Photographic Poster Print by Scott T. Smith, 48x64

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An Analysis Of John Roche's Essay "A Reform Caucus in Action"

!: An Analysis Of John Roche's Essay "A Reform Caucus in Action"

The Constitution of the United States has been one of the most hotly debated topics in American history since its inception in 1787. Charles Beard attempted to characterize the delegates of the Constitutional Convention as money grubbing landowners who intended nothing more than the protection of their most valuable asset, property. Other writers have argued the abstract and converse nature of the founding fathers political ideals, and thus have characterized the Constitutional convention as somewhat arbitrary. In his essay "A Reform Caucus in Action", however, John Roche argues a completely different perspective on the creation of the constitution, claiming the constitution to be a great compromise between states, and that the final result was not one of greed or arbitrary thought, but of specific compromise between the small and large states of the union. Roche begins by describing the Constitutional Convention as a democratic reform caucus.

This plainly means that the founding fathers specifically intended to create a document that would preserve the nation as a whole without sacrificing the democracy that the revolution of 1776 had created. Roche continues by elaborating on the extreme political constraints of the convention, noting that the legislation and tedium that surrounded forming the caucus was great and lengthy. Roche attempts to characterize the framers of the constitution as elitists, but in a markly different way from the way Charles Beard does so, claiming that though the authors of the Constitution did have many biases toward their respective states and ideologies, that they were more than willing to compromise their views for what they perceived to be the greater good. Roche comments that the political theory of the time was not so much a barrier between the founding fathers, but a uniting factor, dispelling the long perceived notion that there were strict states rights advocates and strict nationalist advocates. Finally, Roche confronts the influence of the Federalist on common interpretations of the Constitution, and argues that though the Federalist displays a remarkable amount of retrospective symmetry, it is not the only, nor the complete interpretation of the Constitution. The United States Constitution is the most basic of all constructs of American government, and in understanding its usefulness, one must as thoroughly as possible analyze the intentions of its creators.

Roche begins his essay by describing the Constitutional Convention as a democratic reform caucus. This is central to Roche's argument regarding the intentions of the founding fathers. The key word in understanding this characterization of the creators of the constitution is the word reform. Roche starts by explicitly stating the founding fathers intended to reform the government, not manipulate it according to their personal needs. The Articles of Confederation were weak and unenforceable as a governing body, and lacked the true legislative power necessary to support a functional democracy. The United States hadn't the power to compete in the global economic climate because it lacked the power to enforce its own laws and decrees. This was an important factor in the Constitutional Convention of 1787. Though the founding fathers plainly understood that a national government would no doubt limit the power of total democracy in the country, the also understood that without a strong central government, no democracy was possible at all and the country was doomed to failure.

States were at the verge of breaking off into factions and developing their own standing armies to protect their own interests. This description of a democratic caucus is in stark contrast to Charles Beard's description of the intentions of the founding fathers, in which he argues that the authors of the constitution did not particularly care for the notion of democracy and that they intended to preserve it only to placate the people. Roche strongly favors the argument that the founding fathers intended to preserve as much democracy as humanly possible in the government under the sole pretext that it produced a functional governing body. Only as a functional governing body could the United States effectively protect the freedoms that it so dearly fought for in the Revolution of 1776. Roche's notion of a democratic reform caucus accurately sums up his entire argument regarding the founding fathers. They intended to protect democracy and reform the Articles in a way that worked efficiently and smoothly, not in their own interests, but in the interests of a greater good.

Roche acknowledges that the political constraints of the day greatly limited the efforts of the reforming founding fathers in their quest to amend and create a functional Constitution. He uses the example of New York, a known advocate of states' rights as an example of this great problem that was confronted. Roche comments that the absence of New York from the convention would be disastrous and thus doom the project to failure, and severely tedious steps were taken in order to ensure their presence at the convention. He lists these steps, briefly, but in detail in order to further his argument. First, New York had to agree to even send delegates to the Constitutional Convention. Second, New York had to provide maintenance for the delegates as they traveled to Philadelphia, a step that was also taken by many others states such as New Hampshire, which did not provide maintenance for its delegates until long after they initially decided to attend the convention. Third, New York had to create a convention of their own within their state with the purpose of ratification of the document which would be created at the Constitutional Convention. Finally, New York had to concede to and accept the decision of their convention that their state should participate in the Constitutional Convention at all. Roche attempts to expose the great political blockage that prevented the founding fathers from swiftly reforming the constitution. As well as describing the tedium of eighteenth century politics, Roche also succeeds in exposing the reasons why the Constitutional Convention could not have been solely convened on the pretext of retooling the Constitution to their personal needs. In consideration of the politics of the time, such an effort would have been impossible had it been made for completely selfish notions, and undoubtedly many states would not have gone through the trouble of sending delegates to a convention that intended to not reform the Constitution, but to mold it in order to maintain the status quo. Roche's argument is supported by the simple fact that politics of the time would not have permitted such a whimsical change to the law of the land, no matter how influential the core members of the Constitutional Convention were.

John Roche attempts to debunk Charles Beard's historical idea that the founding fathers were only rich, white, influential, landowning men who intended to change the Constitution only to maintain the status quo and keep the rights to their lucrative property investments and their land. Roche instead characterizes the framers of the Constitution, not as scheming rich men, but as men genuinely dedicated to the creation of a functional democratic government. Roche acknowledges that the founding fathers may have had many motives that factored into their creation of a Constitution, but that though some of these motives may have been entirely impure, they did not dictate the atmosphere of the convention, nor did these impure motives drive the intentions of all of the founding fathers. Roche also claims that there are no immaculate conceptions in history, and that the founding fathers obviously had their own agenda when it came to the topic of national government, however, these agendas were not the impetus of the convention, and that the sole and pure intention of the Constitutional Convention of 1787 was to create a functional democratic government.

He characterizes the framers of the Constitution as men who were obviously bias toward their own personal needs, but entirely willing to compromise if it appeared to be for the greater good of the United States of America. He argues that the Constitution could never be created by purely selfish motives because it was much greater than the men who created it. There is no possible way for men with entirely divergent interests on the economy, global affairs, and domestic issues to have created a document that suited them and only them. Compromise was the only way to create a government that was support any of their interests, and thus their personal biases, while influential, were put aside in the hope that the Constitution they created would serve all the states as a whole, and govern the country in an effective and efficient way, the likes of which the world had never seen before. The framers of the Constitution were far too wise to conform to the strict Beard interpretation of their motives, and thus, nothing would have ever been accomplished.

Political theory also played a great role in determining the purpose and effectiveness of the Constitution and ultimately asserted itself as deliberation occurred between the states. John Roche comments that the political intentions of the founding fathers were not as starkly different from each other as previous interpretations of the motives of the framers had implied. He dispels the notion that there were strict states' rights advocates at the convention and strict national government advocates. Roche claims that had the men's political philosophies been so different as to divide them into two opposing factions, the Constitutional Convention would have floundered from the start. Many interpretations of the Constitutional Convention cite the absence of influential members of the United States such as Thomas Jefferson from the convention as proof of this dissent within the country. However, Roche paints a distinctly different portrait of the founding fathers, claiming that the political ideals that they held did not do as much to divide them as they did unite them, and that the Constitutional Convention could not have survived if the men did not agree on a common goal.

The states that advocated their rights heavily could have easily left the convention and doomed it to failure. Roche argues that the fact that even the most disagreeable states stayed at the convention illustrates that the men truly intended to reform the Constitution. Most striking yet is the notion that the states that strongly disagreed could have easily voted down any measure that threatened their rights, but they did not. The states, large and small, with populations great and little, though they hotly debated the issue of representation, stayed at the convention and eventually compromised on a government that could serve all of them effectively. This presence at the convention distinctly shows that all the representatives knew that the Articles of Confederation were weak and did nothing to protect their rights, and had they not compromised at all, their states would soon be reduced to nothing.

Finally, Roche confronts the common interpretation of the Federalist Papers as the great interpreter and explainer of the purpose of the Constitution. Throughout history, The Federalist has been used without hesitation in blatant examination of the United States Constitution. Roche concedes that the main components of the Federalist Papers, James Madison and Alexander Hamilton, had a distinct talent for retrospective symmetry, and did accurately portray the events of the Constitutional Convention. However, Roche argues, that a strict interpretation of the Constitution in the context of the Federalist Papers would be unwise because the Federalist was undoubtedly, for lack of a better word, complete propaganda. It is impossible to deduce the motives of the Constitutional Convention from the Federalist Papers because they did not reflect the political ideals of the convention, but merely reflected the political ideals that the convention created. Roche comments that the Federalist was merely an improvisational piece of propaganda that detailed how the government was to work under the new Constitution rather than why the Constitution was created in the first place.

This completely debunks the idea that The Federalist ideas were the driving force behind the Constitutional Convention, and rather portrays the document as a piece of reactionary literature, detailing the ideas that came from the convention, rather than the ideas that went into it. This supports Roche's argument that the founding fathers did not have their own personal interests in mind when drafting the Constitution of the United States. Charles Beard relies heavily on the Federalist in his essays regarding the motivations of the framers. Had the document been strictly a reactionary piece of literature full of new ideas, it would not have accurately reflected the political climate before the ratification of the Constitution, and thus becomes useless in an argument regarding motivation.

The United States Constitution has served the country well since its inception in 1787. It has been scrutinized, interpreted, reinterpreted, and analyzed since the very moment it was ratified in that hot summer in Philadelphia. Subject to much of the same scrutiny have been the purpose of the Constitution and the motivations of its authors. Charles Beard attempted to characterize the framers of the Constitution as men who were purely self interested, and thought only of amending the government of the United States to serve their own personal goals of wealth and land. John Roche argues a completely contrary perspective. He begins this argument by describing the Constitutional Convention of 1787 as a democratic reform caucus. This is important in understanding Roche's argument as whole. He uses the key word of reform to illustrate that the founding fathers did not intend to alter the Constitution on a whim, but on a carefully thought out plan to make the government efficient, effective, and to preserve democracy.

Roche argues that the political constraints of the time were not conducive to such a wild and selfish alteration of American government, and the steps that were necessary to send delegates to the Constitutional Convention were far too tedious and numerous to serve this purpose. Roche characterizes the framers of the constitution as undoubtedly biased, but points to their incredible desire to compromise as credence to the idea that they were not at the convention simply to obtain their own goals. The political theory of the time was also instrumental in dictating the actions of the founding fathers. Had their ideas been so different and divergent, many of the delegates could have easily left the convention to flounder. Roche claims that the presence of all the states at the convention proves that they had much more in common than they did to divide them, and that they had only the country's fate in mind as they drafted the Constitution. Finally, Roche completely debunks Charles Beard's argument for a selfish Constitution by attacking his main resource for information on the motivations of the framers. He claims that the Federalist, while possessing a knack for retrospective symmetry, was not a document that reflected the ideas that went into the Constitution, but the ideas that ultimately resulted from it. The United States Constitution will continue to be analyzed for flaws and motivations for as long as it remains the basic governing document of American Government. However, John Roche makes a strikingly supporting argument for the good and democratic intentions of the founding fathers. His interpretation of the Constitutional Convention will remain a staple in United States history for centuries to come.

An Analysis Of John Roche's Essay "A Reform Caucus in Action"

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The Federalist

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Some of the greatest writings ever made concerning the Constitution and American rights.

• The Life of George Washington, all five volumes in a single file, with active table of contents
• The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, all seven volumes in a single file, with active table of contents, improved 8/19/2010
• Anti-Federalist Papers
• Autobiography - of Thomas Jefferson
• Memoir, Correspondence, And Miscellanies, From The Papers Of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 1

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coarse Wealth

I've been defending the Usa a lot lately, as well as investigating its cultural anthropology and philosophy, etc. One of the things I'm just starting to understand is that during the enlightenment, there were two competing ideologies that influenced the evolution of human consciousness and hence, human nature and civilization.

On one side, the realists insist that there is an objective reality that exists, thoroughly independent of the observer. One the other side, the post contemporary philosophy proposes that reality is subjective and that the observers perspective is all there is. The realists say that natural reality and all of its diverse Components have an essence, in and of themselves. Post modernists believe that we generate reality, and our plan is the fundamental principle of reality.

Federalist Papers

Now, I haven't read, The Wealth of Nations, by Adam Smith, but I understand that it proposes that if every person does what is best for their own self, it will produce the most wealth. I have read the Federalist Papers and many other stories about the history and philosophy of the United States.

coarse Wealth

So, on the one hand we have this plan that is self centered, by definition, and another idea that is more submissive and adaptable. One ideology claims to generate reality, the other accepts reality. Both of these philosophies have influenced the evolution of western civilization.

I'm without fail a realists. However, I do believe that there is truth in both ideas. For example, the Computer I'm writing this story on both exists independent of my perception of it and is created by human creativity.

I believe that there is an significant human being, created by Almighty God, and that creative free time is an possible attribute of that human nature.

Now, the question becomes, are individual human rights more leading than our common wealth, or vice versa? I suggest that we can and should transform the self interest and competition possible in western philosophy and civilization, into self improvement and cooperation.

Yes, western civilization is the richest civilization in history. At least up until now. However, it has attained that prosperity at a very great cost, especially for citizen surface of western civilization. Any civilization that is based on the Darwinian ideology of survival of the fittest is barbaric. Yes, Darwin's ideas about natural history are fairly accurate. However, relative to the animal kingdom of life on earth, civilized human beings are a detach and definite kingdom of life on earth.

Cooperation, assistance and unity in diversity are distinctive traits possible in human nature. Yes, I know that animals cooperate, but not to the extent that humans do. The rule of law is the variation between wild animals and civilized human beings. That's the part that western civilization got right.

However, they didn't thoroughly eliminate the barbaric struggle for leadership and benefit over other people, thinking that competition is an possible attribute of human nature.

This story would be incomplete without referring to the influence of religion in human nature. I believe that Almighty God is the Source of most of the major religions on earth, and that the religions are the customary source of the rule of law. Our civil laws are secondary effects of the moral values and spiritual principles taught in the divine study revealed in the Religion of God.

This divine study teaches us, not so much that our natural instincts are evil, but that we should regulate the expression of our natural instincts with the rule of law, revealed by Almighty God. Different cultures have used Different stories to interpret this spirituality possible in human nature, but they all teach it in one way or another.

While I am saying that western civilization is not sustainable, I am not saying it is wrong or evil. Quite the contrary, the American revolution was essentially a civil rights movement, and the great republic of the west, its citizen and its government, have done more to strengthen the cause of human rights than any other nation or citizen in history.

At the time of the American revolution the philosophy and governance of the United States was a giant leap send in the strengthen of human affairs. Now, the imperfection possible in the principles are becoming increasingly unsustainable. American businessmen have run roughshod over the world cheaper and alienated most of the world citizen against the Usa.

I'm not saying the Usa is all wrong. I'm saying that allowing the most aggressive and selfish individuals to strengthen and lead our citizen is not fair and it is not sustainable. That idea is an old and obsolete ideology, good noteworthy to the Assyrian Empire or Babylon, than 21st century human civilization.

The American Indians had a very victorious and sustainable communist culture. Karl Marx and the Soviet Union gave communism a bad name, by the way. By communism, I do not mean the state owns the means of production. I believe God owns heaven and earth and every person and all things in them. individual human rights and our common wealth need to be properly balanced. Secret asset needs to be protected.

What I am writing about is transforming the culture that essentially glorifies bullying, self interest and competition, into a culture that has a cheap balance of individual human rights, our local community welfare and the universal common wealth of all citizen anywhere on earth.

This idea that I'm right and if you have a Different understanding of the truth than I do, then you are wrong, is a half truth. And all the conflict and contention is destroying our peace and prosperity. Sure, it has produced unprecedented wealth for a small minority of the people, at the cost of the majority of the people.

We, the citizen of earth, have a right and responsibility to heighten this situation. I do not claim to have all the answers. This is just an record in an ongoing conversation as far as I'm concerned. We, the citizen of earth, not any individual or group of human beings, need to accomplish this improvement of human nature, this more exquisite union.

coarse WealthEvidence that America is a republic not a democracy! Video Clips. Duration : 10.52 Mins.

This is only a 1 / 4 of the great documentary created by the John Birch Society. And 'John McManus and has much in America as a republic, democracy does not say. Make sure enough time to get all 4 parts of this document to be displayed on the website of John Birch Society. This is part 2 & 3 Part 1, points to our heritage and why the founders of what may take us do not have a democracy. Part 4 sets out clearly the differences between capitalism andSocialism / Communism. The United States is not a democracy, it is a Republic, I am sure that most have never learned this in school (if attending a private school or parochial )...... James Madison (Father of the Constitution) wrote in the Federalist Papers, "democracies are spectacles of turbulence and conflicts never, ever been found incompatible with personal security or property rights, and are generally more than one species in their lives when they were force in the death. "Alexander Hamilton said: "We're a republican government True freedom is never found in despotism or the extremes of democracy" .. Samuel Adams (signer of the Declaration of Independence, said: "Democracy never lasts long once the waste discharges, and murders itself." He knew the founders of the democracy of the ancient Greeks, some of the wildest excesses of government produced conceivable Democrats in Congress (at the time .. and the White House) do their best to convince Americanswe have a ...

Keywords: Overview, of, America, Constitution, Republic, Democracy, history, freedom, documentary, liberal, conservative, democrat, republican, founders, framers

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Congress: mandate

Congress: mandate Video Clips. Duration : 9.67 Mins.

Conference to mandate Cogress

Tags: Congress, incumbency

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The Us menagerial branch - Constitutional Mandate, History, Obama, and Beyond

To the unhappy chagrin of the saavy Ivy League pundits who, over the last 60 years, have fashioned straight through their verbose sophistic comment and political sway the hardly constitutional tradition of the Office of the U.S President (comprising the ruling sway and authority of "appointed" federal bureaucrats as opposed to one elected chief executive) narrative 2, Section 1, of the Constitution of the United States still reads, as it did when first ratified by the 13 primary states, "The menagerial Power shall be vested in (only) a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice-President chosen for the same Term, be elected..."

Sadly, the last U.S. President who, for a time, indeed took this literal text of the U.S. Constitution to heart was Harry S. Truman, the 33rd President following the birth of the American republic in 1789. "The buck stops at my desk," insisted give-em hell Harry, when he thorough the burden of the office after the sudden death of Fdr. Yet, the finally grave mistake that Truman made during his time in the White House was willing and quite un-constitutional yielding, in 1948, of almost all of his, and only his, elected menagerial authority, under the Constitution, to congressional fiat in the wake of the 1947 National security Act, wherein a vicious, almost fascist, covert intelligence organization, the Central intelligence group was organized and placed under the direct operational operate of the U.S. Military (the Pentagon) to indeed check the authority of the U.S. President. In essence, the National security Act gave the Cia the power to render an unequivocal 'no' to any order issued by a standing U.S. President that the Cia deemed as inappropriate. And the subsequent creation of the National security Agency, in 1952, expanded, even more so, the national and international jurisdictions of the intelligence society to unilaterally implement its own standards of law above the constitutional authority of the President and, especially, the communal will of the American electorate. Case in point, the blatant refusal of the Cia to back down and cancel its operations when President Trumen, in 1953, refused to go along with planned doing Ajax, the covert U.S./British overthrow, or coup, of the democratically elected government of Iran, and installment of the Shah as its tyrannical pro-American ruler. Instead of cancelling its preparations for the coup in 1952, the duplicitous group kept all things intact for the election of Dwight D. Eisenhower as President, whom the Cia knew it could rely on to put a de facto stamp of approval on the unconstitutional operation. The same basic thing occurred with the Bay of Pigs fiasco, Watergate, Iran-Contra, and, most probably, the horrendous tragedies of 9/11. If any of this is doubted by of my readers, I encourage them to read the entire texts of the 1947 National security Act and the 1952 National security group Act, and their legislative histories, in increasing to the histories of the aforementioned debacles.

Federalist Papers

Those convoluted post-Second World War congressional acts probably, at that time in history, went as unread, and blindly passed, by the great majority of the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives as were the infamous Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, the Federal support Act of 1913, the National rescue Act of 1933, and the Patriot Act of 2001. These congressional acts were, as Thomas Jefferson said specifically about the Alien and Sedition Acts, as constitutional as a golden calf in the United States Senate. So, after the un-officially official demotion of the U.S. President straight through the National security Act of 1947, with its quasi-legal creation of the "Office of the President," (comprising a National security Advisor, a White house Chief of Staff, and seven-or-more appointed "officers" in increasing to the primary cabinet secretaries), menagerial decisions, in the compulsion of federal laws, were no longer rendered expressly by the elected President, but, rather, by the menagerial officers appointed to resolve procedure for the President. Though the President would publicly announce such decisions, and lead the nation to believe that he had made the decisions in an attempt to faithfully inflict the laws passed by Congress, the decisions were 'actually' made by a go for circle of specially appointed handlers, with the President having already agreed to abide by their will. This process is much distinct from that of the menagerial decision process prior to 1947, where the President, alone, made menagerial decisions. Even though there were Presidents who illegitimately, and unconstitutionally, used their power for corrupt purposes, the authority to wield menagerial power officially resided in the "one" elected chief menagerial and a group of cabinet advisors contribution their opinions about procedure to the President. What Colonel Edward House was, secretly and unofficially, to President Woodrow Wilson, Karl Rove and Condilezza Rice were, by extra-constitutional interpretation endorsed by U.S. Consummate Court ruling, to George W. Bush. David Axlerod, Rahm Emanuel, and, who knows how many more appointed pundits, constitute the same type of decision mantra for Barack Obama. The American communal are led to believe otherwise, but it's basically the same for every Presidential administration.

The Us menagerial branch - Constitutional Mandate, History, Obama, and Beyond

Popular movies would have you believe that Presidents, such as John Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crissis, made final decisions by themselves in regard to the deployment of Military force against other nation-states, such as Cuba. But the National security Act of 1947 set the historical precedent for a group of "smart" advisors to resolve the permissible procedure to follow, and for the President to voice that procedure as his decision. Unfortunately, this is hardly true. Though the appointed have more power than the elected, there are safe bet issues which should never be thought about only by the menagerial branch. As I have opined before in other essays, procedure affecting the overall security of the citizen of the United States, such as a decision to wage nuclear war, should never be decided only by the President," but by a vote-in-council between the three branches of government (legislative, executive, and judicial) comprising the President, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Senate Majority Leader, and the Chief Justice of the U.S. Consummate Court. Instead of appointed pundits determining the thorough communal procedure to follow, when crucial decisions must be made, a deciding vote of three of these four constitutionally designated leaders would properly resolve the permissible procedure of federal communal policy. Similarly, the President, or the "Office of the U.S. President" should not be allowed by Congress to originate de jure wars straight through police actions. Nonetheless, since Congress was basically responsible for the creation of the "Office of the President," straight through the duct of the National security Act of 1947, the swaying legislative clout of a few very qualified senators and representatives has, since that time, been the force behind the terrible things that have happened to moderately shred our popular Constitution.

Who would want to easily admit to the American nation that such a drastic deviation from the text of the U.S. Constitution has indeed been an thorough procedure of the United States Government since shortly after the Second World War? Especially after a newly elected President has placed his hand on a Bible and sworn to preserve, protect, and defend the same Constitution of the United States that that same elected leader is committed to subversively undermining. Who would want to confess to the citizen that it's all indeed a farce?

Take, for instance, Barack Obama, who, since being elected, has followed suit in the further disparagement of the U.S. Constitution by systematically seeking to expand wide federal power over matters reserved specifically to the states by virtue of the 10th Amendment to the Constitution, such as schooling and condition care; and has sorely disgraced the American republic by bowing to a foreign head of state (the King of Saudia Arabia). Moreover, Obama has sought to use the Federal support Act and its unconstitutional creation, the Fed, in order to bail-out the private banking cartel, created by the Federal support Act, with billions of tax dollars. He has done his best to corollary the example of old inept Presidents by endorsing the spending of billions of tax dollars every month that the republic does not have, in order to perpetuate U.S. sway over foreign matters which are indeed none of the nation's concern, such as the proliferation of wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, which, in all probability, were created as a corollary of the federal orchestration of the atrocities that occurred on 9/11. To top things off, Mr. Obama has personally spent nearly 2 million dollars in legal fees, of contributed campaign money, to keep out of the American public's purview his long-form birth certificate and other records which might show him not to be a natural born citizen of the United States, and, therefore, an interloper and false president. Obama would like to see the United States republic become like the Federal Republic of Germany, with total operate emanating from a central government. He would like to see the 10th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution abrogated by a new constitutional convention, which would place all of the states under the direct operate of the federal government, thereby manufacture the institutions originally placed by the Framers under the dominion of the states, such as communal education, under federal control. If Obama is a constitutional scholar, as he claims to be, his scholarship only extends to the history, and Machiavellian techniques, of perverting the sacred document for purposes of usurpation of menagerial and legislative power. I doubt either Obama has a fraction of the knowledge possessed by Woodrow Wilson, who, regretfully, was intimidated into signing the Federal support Act of 1913 into law. After signing it, he stated that he might have done so to the detriment of the nation.

Being Democrat, Republican, or Independent, conservative or liberal, has currently nothing at all to do with being a dedicated American wanting federal and state government based upon the preservation of the sacred system contained in the U.S. Constitution. Abraham Lincoln, the, supposedly, kind President/dictator during the American Civil War, once quipped that, if a small majority of a diverse electorate of citizen can be convinced that a principle of government is right, even if it is dead wrong and corrupt, the corrupt principle can be lorded over the whole citizen with impunity. This was how the 14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, and its equal clause, were ratified, which, in essence, began the evisceration of the 10th Amendment. It seems today that most supposedly educated citizen in the American republic go about their daily activities mental that, merely because they have the apparent relaxation to buy gas at over-3 dollars per gallon, to get in their cars and drive across the country as far as their money will permit, and to buy the basic necessities of life (food, shelter, and clothing) at prices 500-or-more percent above what they were in 1950, they are getting the advantage of a government and a political economy run by the electorate. Back in 1912, a U.S. Senator by the name of Nelson A. Aldrich, who was responsible for authoring the text of the Federal support Act of 1913, while secreted away with a few other conspirators on an island off the Georgia coast during 1910, made a statement just after the Fra's duct that was recorded by only a few citizen who were listening close adequate to hear it. He said smugly, "It's a great victory for the bankers who will advantage gainfully from the tax money used over time to grease the wheels of finance slowed by mistakes in capital judgment. What is even greater is that taxpayers will be made to look forward to compliance their money for our purposes."

A wise someone once said that the power to tax is the power to destroy. This bit of coarse sense makes even more sense when you correlate the trillions of dollars that have been collected straight through the federal earnings tax since 1913 with the current national debt and the inflation that has been wrought straight through the Federal support system since the elimination of the gold thorough in the 1950s, and silver coinage in the 1970s. Federal earnings taxation has done nothing more, since 1913, than destroy the balance of finance in this country by manufacture a very few wealthy citizen even more wealthy, and millions of poor and struggling citizens even poorer and more struggling. As I have said before, inflation only occurs when a unit of exchange is devalued, and presently, the American dollar is worth less than 30 cents, or a fraction of the worth of a dollar in 1945. This inflationary value is, in and of itself, politically contrived, but, for some innane reason, most Americans under the age of 40 think that what they are buying is worth what they are paying. And these supposedly educated citizen know nothing about the true history of the fall of the American dollar. Just after the turn of the 20th Century, a few pragmatic Machiavellian politicians and bankers, like J.P. Morgan, envisioned a federal system where the states would be controlled straight through money in Case,granted by the federal government straight through an unapportioned federal earnings tax. The taxpayers would be conditioned to finance a military-industrial complicated geared to imperial international dominion of other nation-states and would look forward to bailing out the federally contrived capitalists who would always gain lucratively from federal investments.

Allowing Mr. Obama to continue the schedule at one time developed by George W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and Ronald Reagan, while in the guise of Democratic Party politics, will be furthering the destruction of the American republic and its glorious Constitution. Maybe it's time to listen much more closely to the wisdom espoused by congressional leaders such as U.S. Rep. (Tx) Ron Paul, who has a standing resolution in the House of Representatives to abolish the Federal support system and to reinstate the gold thorough by restoring to the U.S. Congress its narrative 1, Section 8 power to coin money and to resolve its value. I would much rather hear an active U.S. citizen asserting the textual constitutional requirement that a President is required to be a natural born citizen of the U.S, than one spouting that a woman has a constitutional right to have, or not have, an abortion. For there are millions of literate Americans who have never read the U.S. Constitution and don't have any idea what their constitutional rights comprise. It is this prevailing ignorance of constitutional fact and law that is allowing Obama, and the many like him, to do their dirty work on the fabric of American government. It is good to remember that fascism does not have to be exerted from the extremism of conservative, or right-wing, political Military in order for its effect, the abrogation of human freedom, to be experienced. A denial of relaxation can as indeed be felt straight through greatest liberalism, in applying greatest federal constraint where it should not be applied. I, like Henry David Thoreau, believe that under the type of system espoused by the Framers, and defended by Madison, Hamilton, and Jay in the "Federalist Papers," the federal government is best when it governs least, or as the U.S. Constitution directs it to govern.

In summation, I like to think about the response of the great Benjamin Franklin to a lady who curiously greeted him after he emerged from the Constitutional custom that had produced the U.S. Constitution. "What have you made in there," she asked. To her question, Franklin replied, "A republic, if you can keep it."

The Us menagerial branch - Constitutional Mandate, History, Obama, and BeyondThomas L. Pangle on the Federalist Papers Tube. Duration : 1.23 Mins.

Thomas L. Pangle, Joe R. Long Chair in Democratic Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, discusses the Federalist Papers with the George Mason University Law & Economics Center.

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pathology of the Federalist Papers

Throughout the history of the United States, the legislative subject of government has often played a crucial role in determining the political, social, and economic direction of America. Though the legislative subject represents only one of the three major branches of the United States government, it plays an instrumental part in many of the most essential and influential areas of the government. The Federalist Papers attempt to shape the main purposes and requirements of the legislative subject of government, elaborating on its buildings and function and detailing its powers and responsibilities. According to the Federalist Papers, the legislative subject would work most efficiently when it was split into two sections, the Senate and the House of Representatives. Both houses would serve entirely separate legislative functions and want separate criteria in order to be elected. The Federalist Papers begin by detailing these criteria, specifying the separate requirements for each social office and explaining its purpose. The House of Representatives was to be elected entirely by the people, and serve as the legislative environment most intimate with the desires of the American public. The Senate, on the other hand, was to be elected by State Legislatures, ensuring that though the American habitancy would be well represented in the government, the legislative subject would sustain some aspects of political expertise and professionalism. Straight through these separate requirements and jobs, the legislative subject allows itself a law of checks and balances to ensure that neither house garners too much power or influence. These checks would be imposed by the Constitution itself. The Federalist 58 comments on this multitude of legislatures, claiming, correctly, that the larger whole of legislating officials would lead to less facts and professionalism in the government. Finally, the Federalist Papers information the specific functions of the legislative subject as a whole. Of these functions, the power over the

United States finances being the most important. Even in present day, the legislative subject remains a inextricable part of the United States governmental system.

Federalist Papers

The Federalist Paper 62 enumerates the various qualifications and criteria that were to be imposed on the two separate houses of the United States legislative branch. The legislative body was to be split into two definite bodies of actions, called the House of Representatives and the Senate. The House of Representatives existed to mediate in the middle of the United States government and the habitancy of the United States, and served as the most intimate interaction in the middle of these two parties. As a result, the House of Representatives not only contains a whole of legislators proportionate to the habitancy of the states they represent, but the House is also the body of government in the legislative subject that was intended to be elected directly by the people. Consequently, the requirements for the choosing of officials in the House of Representatives is more lenient, and allows them to be younger and less expertly considerable that the officials of the Senate. The Senate of the United States, conversely, serves as the pro and most learned body of legislature in the legislative branch. The Senate was to serve as a response to the pluralistic ideals that created the House of Representatives. As a follow of this, the whole of elected officials in the Senate is unchanging at one hundred legislatures, and does not vary with the habitancy of the states represented. In addition to this, the Senate was intended to be removed from the electoral whims of the normal habitancy of the United States, and as the Federalist Papers detail, the elected officials would not be elected by the habitancy of the United States, but rather the State Legislatures, ensuring that the legislative body of the United States is not entirely subject to the will of the people, and would be free to act on the tasteless good converse to the tasteless understanding if necessary. The Senate also requires the elected officials to be older and more experienced. This allows the Congress of the United States to function as a delicate equilibrium in the middle of feel and the will of the people.

pathology of the Federalist Papers

The Federalist Papers not only information the separation of the two houses of Congress and their respective requirements, but also elaborates on the way this separation would allow the legislative body of the United States to check and equilibrium itself if necessary. The idea of checks and balances lies at the very heart of the governmental law that founded the United States, and it is important to understand that the Constitution imposes these checks and balances on all the governing bodies of the country, including the various internal checks and balances of the Congress. The most important highlight that allows the legislative body to equilibrium itself is the requirement that both houses must pass a bill in order for it to come to be law. The vast differences in the middle of the two houses themselves preclude the will of the States or the will of the habitancy from entirely dominating the legislative material that is passed. The idea that both houses must pass a bill requires the House of Representatives to suggest bills that would please the feel and expertise of the Senate and the Senate to suggest bills that reflect accurately the wills of the habitancy as spoken Straight through the House of Representatives. The Constitution also requires the legislature to sass to the president of the United States, preventing Congress from effectively dominating the political, economic, or social direction of the country entirely. The Federalist Papers also criticism on the necessity of these checks and balances, and claims that the legislative subject requires checks and balances in order to function in the interests of the American people. Though the legislative subject is free to pass the laws they see fit, the law of checks and balances ensures that laws are not passed without incredible due process of consider and deliberation, and thus allows laws to be improved and changed before they are popular ,favorite by Congress and the president. However, one major qoute with these checks and balances prevents quick action on the part of the government.

The Federalist Papers do, in some ways, admit the failings of this governmental law of mass opinion. In the Federalist 58, the author warns against the subjugation of majority rule, claiming that the more habitancy complex in the legislative process, the less the likelihood that the habitancy imposing the laws would be directly informed about the magnitude of the legislation they are passing. The Congress of the United States effectively limits itself because it prevents cohesion of understanding in course manufacture that could make the legislative subject incredibly efficient. In short, the more habitancy complex in the process of deliberating the bill, the less the habitancy deliberating the bill for real know or can express about the realities of the course itself. This assumption is incredibly astute in its observations, and demonstrates perfectly the incredible forethought of the founding fathers of the constitution. Though the legislative subject requires a large whole of elected officials in order to accurately recite the will of the habitancy of the United States and the desires of the States, the mass quantity of legislatives effectively prevents the legislative body from acting in any kind of a prompt way in the face of a crisis. The due process required to allow laws to be coherent also prevents the laws from being efficient if their effectiveness depends on the speed of which they are implemented. In addition, the mass range of opinions represented by the various legislators in the House of Representatives and the Senate preclude the efficient transportation of the realities and problems related with definite bills that would come to be law. The more habitancy that want knowledge about a definite subject, the less the knowledge will for real be distributed among the habitancy that want it. As a result, many of the bills that are passed in Congress are not even read by the legislators themselves, and this law results in a range of bills not being passed According to their merit, but rather along party and ideological lines of their superficial parts.

The Federalist Papers not only specify the requirements and responsibilities of the legislatures of the House of Representatives and the Senate themselves, but additionally enumerates the responsibilities of the legislative subject as a whole, claiming that the legislative subject has definite powers specific to its subject of government that the other two branches do not have. The most important of these powers is for real the authority over the finances of the United States. The Senate and the House of Representatives work together to pass bills which information the expenditures of the Federal government. The Congress of the United States along claims power to the finances of the government. With this power comes the accountability that the Congress of the United States will spend the money of the government wisely and frugally. However, this power was most likely granted to the Congress because of its most flaw, numbers. The ultimate whole of elected officials represented in the House of Representatives and the Senate preclude wanton spending which could follow from granting this power to a smaller subject of government such as the menagerial branch. The whole of legislatures in Congress ensures that the spending of the finances of the United States will be deliberated and reviewed constantly before being implemented. Congress also reserves power over many of the other aspects of the government which would follow from right deliberation, including the power to regulate trade. The regulation of trade has the power to work on the economy of the United States drastically, and any quick decision in this area could follow in an economic disaster of epic proportions. The Congress of the United States also reserves the right to enounce war officially, though the President is the Commander and Chief of the Military. This power forces Congress to not only carefully reconsider the merits of war, but forces the menagerial and Legislative branches of government to work together in the confrontation of a threat against the United States.

The legislative body of the United States has long dictated the various course changes and alterations that have defined the nation. The various laws, declarations of war, and designations of citizenship defined by the Congress of the United States have steered the country in progressive directions and conservative directions throughout the long history of the United States. Straight through the right assosication of the legislative subject as a whole, many of the best laws in the United States have endured the deliberation of the House of Representatives and the Senate. The Congress truly represents the best and worst of the United States governmental system. In The Federalist Papers, the authors designate the requirements of the two houses of congress for choosing and justify the purposes of these requirements. The House of Representatives, the subject of government closest with the people, is elected directly and requires lenient age and pro requirements in order to be elected. Conversely, the Senate requires choosing Straight through State legislatures and has stricter electoral limitations. The differences in the middle of the two houses are grand and serve to check and equilibrium the legislative law as a whole. The requirement of both houses to pass a bill for it to come to be law checks both houses simultaneously and allows for right deliberation. The Constitution imposes many of these checks and balances. The Federalist 58's claim that the large whole of elected officials would impede progress is entirely correct, but the bulkiness of the legislative body is a essential evil when one considers the necessity of proper representation. In addition to these things, the Federalist Papers also information the important responsibilities of the legislative branch, including the power over the finances, the power over trade, and the power to enounce war. Straight through the test of time, the Congress of the United States has stood as a testament to the incredible vision of the founding fathers and the architects of the Constitution. Though the legislative body has proved unable to act fast in the face of a crisis, the failings of the law are for real redeemed by its triumphs, and in these triumphs, it becomes definite why the buildings of the United States government has changed puny over the course of almost three centuries.

pathology of the Federalist PapersThe Truth About Guns! Antimatter Radio Show # 23, Assignment 3, Jeffrey Grupp, 10-25-09 Tube. Duration : 10.00 Mins.

Part 3 of antimatter Radio Show # 23 Host: Jeffrey Grupp, 10-25-09, the truth about Guns! And the philosophy of weapons and weapons possession. Website: www.AntimatterRadio.com. This presentation is a kind of university course on the truth about the weapons, where such action could exist at all (which is not in our present anti-gun, anti-empiricist universities). This includes many quotations from the founders, the definition of citizenship or military service, many data supporting the philosophy of weaponspresented, which is to bring peace, security, aesthetics, life and happiness, people, whether citizens of the hand. Really this is the most important law of the country (as I did in the last issue of antimatter Radio Show # 22, discussed October 22.). This show is part 2 of the following weapons and show # 22 October 22.

Keywords: new world order, Second Amendment, firearms, guns, gun, pistol, revolver, gun ban, anti-gun, militia, citizen militia, Thomas Jefferson, Jefferson, founding fathers, ar-15, IMF, CIA, Obama, Congress, Nancy Pelosi, David Icke, Freemasons, Illuminati, Jordan Maxwell, Tsarion, Alex Jones, David Barton, freemasonry, art, Founders, corporatism, Samuel Adams, American revolution, Declaration of Independence, 22, rifle, ak47, 50 caliber, desert eagle, Constitution, Federalist Papers, Gandhi, Iran

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The Anti-Federalist Papers

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The arguments against ratification appeared in various forms, by various authors, most of whom used a pseudonym. Collectively, these writings have become known as the Anti-Federalist Papers. They contain warnings of dangers from tyranny that weaknesses in the proposed Constitution did not adequately provide against, and while some of those weaknesses were corrected by adoption of the Bill of Rights, others remained.

• The Federalist Papers (Signet Classics)
• The Anti-Federalist Papers and the Constitutional Convention Debates (Signet Classics)
• How To Read The Federalist Papers
• Common Sense, The Rights of Man and Other Essential Writings of Thomas Paine (Signet Classics)
• The Federalist Papers In Modern Language: Indexed for Today's Political Issues

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